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Radio Interview with CPRF chairman Gennady Zyuganov on April 28, 2003
EKHO MOSKVY RADIO
RADIO INTERVIEW WITH CPRF LEADER GENNADY ZYUGANOV [EKHO MOSKVY RADIO, 14:00, APRIL 28, 2003] SOURCE: FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE (http://www.fednews.ru/)
Anchor: Our informed guest today is the head of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Andreyevich Zyuganov. Good day, Gennady Andreyevich.
Zyuganov: Good day.
Anchor: Shall we start with the good news or the bad news?
Zyuganov: Suit yourself.
Anchor: Let's start with the bad news. I think many of our listeners and viewers who watched various TV channels took note of the story connected with the decision of the Audit Chamber to inspect Rosagropromstroi which is headed up by a member of the presidium of the Central Committee of the CPRF, Viktor Vedmanov. And the program made no bones about the fact that the Audit Chamber, reacting to a letter from the State Duma speaker Gennady Seleznyov, is looking into the fact that 100 billion rubles went missing and implicitly the CPRF is accused of spending that money for its own needs. Gennady Andreyevich, what do you know a) what do you know about it? And b) what can you say about it?
Zyuganov: Well, this is the fifth time they are carrying out an audit. As for the program Your Own House, it was launched ten years ago, and it envisages the construction, about a hundred different designs of cheap homes that a village teacher, a farm machine operator, a doctor or a dairy maid can order. We introduced that program at the Kremlin. By the way, it was presented to Putin and all the specialists involved were present. It was later considered by the government. They saw that it was a realistic program which could provide the basis for a large-scale rural construction program. By the way, of all the building agencies only Spetsstroi and Vedmanov's agency have survived. It employs 700,000 people. They operate at 10-15, at most at 20 percent capacity. But Stepashin, during the few months that he was the prime minister, endorsed that program and the Kasyanov government struck it down and did not disburse a single kopeck to finance it. They gave a little money for the development of the production basis -- without the industrial basis you cannot accomplish anything -- but they refused to implement the program. So, what is necessary is not to audit the program, but to get it up and running. Then people will be able to build cheap rural homes, get support and pay back by providing farm produce, etc. All countries in the world implement such programs. In the Oryol region this program got off the ground because Stroyev supported it and helped it along. This is an opportunity for rural construction. As for guesses, I looked yesterday -- by the way, not only Svanidze was speaking about it gleefully, but Karaulov has now been expressing worries about our party ... It is a massive campaign masterminded by Voloshin. He has appointed a person who reports to him every week. The aim of that program is to try to bring about a split in the Communist party and to discredit its leadership. This is not the first such program. In the previous elections they put the blame for all that happened in 1920s and 1930s on our party. I told them, you should take it to Yeltsin, I was born in 1944. And now they are trying to latch on to something. They have shown a house in Voronezh. I will show you thousands of houses in Moscow that are half-built. That's the way they approach construction everywhere today. By the way, many building teams in Lensk built houses, and then it took them months to get paid for them. They were decorated with medals and prized, but they weren't paid their wages. Nobody seriously attends to construction in this country.
Anchor: Is it a failure of the program, for whatever reason, or is it a political action?
Zyuganov: It is a political action, it is a settling of scores, it is an attempt to strike down whatever building organizations still exist in the country. If you made an audit and then went on to help so that the builders should have their order books full, so that the program should get off the ground, I am all in favor of an audit. But it should help the rural builder to survive in such conditions. But they don't lift a finger to develop construction.
Anchor: So, you are absolutely sure that the money was not improperly used, the billion rubles?
Zyuganov: You know very well that our party was the only organization that was audited again. Our election campaign was audited ten times. If they had found anything, they would have cited facts. You saw Karaulov sitting there and inventing things. I tell him: "You can take a report of our faction, you can take the 20 main laws, beginning from Yeltsin's privileges, the disbanding of the Federation Council, privileges to servicemen, pensions, wages down to the rejection of the referendum and you will see that everywhere we voted in favor of the working man, Unity has everywhere voted against. And instead he digs something up and starts --
Anchor: But you didn't answer my question, are you quite confident and relaxed about this --
Zyuganov: I am absolutely confident and relaxed. But if you take any concrete construction project, given the present system of organization, supervision and the rest of it, you can try to make any accusations.
Anchor: Do you think that this is the start of an election campaign or is it a false start to an election campaign when dirt is being dished out little by little against one or another party leader or against all of them at once?
Zyuganov: This is not an election campaign. To put it mildly, this is an outrage. And election campaign -- one should have built a political system, one should have preserved conditions for normal competition; one should have honored the law on the media; one should have given a chance to the leaders of parties and movements to report to the public. I just conducted an all-Russian protest action against Channel 2 of State television.
Anchor: Well, they are listening to you now, you can say --
Zyuganov: With pleasure, but I am sure they won't show it.
Anchor: Let us not insult our colleagues.
Zyuganov: I am not insulting them. Dobrodeyev is a very competent man, he has six yellow telephones and each is ringing, but they just don't want to pursue an honest information policy. At least, they are not allowed to. We staged pickets in 48 territories. Each event was attended by between 2,000 and 50,000 people. People attended everywhere and they presented concrete demands. First, the opposition must have a program. Secondly, they must have air time under the law. I have prepared short videos. In January, they were run in 60 territories, in February, in 54. But in March they put a stop on it. Since March 17, you cannot get in a word edgewise on any state-run channel. How can you hold elections or prepare for elections if the deputy is not allowed to report to the public in accordance with the law on state television? We sent a deputation of 15 people to Dobrodeyev. He himself was away, I don't know whether he was afraid or whether there was some other reason. We talked with his deputy and we discussed specifically all the situations. They told us that our proposals would be given a consideration. I handed them an analysis of the information policy of the state channel. From September 1 and until today we got 2.5 percent of the air time, less than any other political organizations, and that in spite of the fact that we have 25 percent of the seats in the State Duma. Our voters pay money, state television and radio broadcasting exists on this money and for this money Unity pulls the wool over our eyes from morning till night showing us the same pictures about the Kremlin incumbents plus weather reports. It's worse than in the late Brezhnev era. They said they would consider our complaints and answer. But nothing is forthcoming.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, your opponents claim that you appear on every channel, that they show you providing your comments both on ORT and RTR channels and so on.
Zyuganov: Alexei, this is a lie. I asked the First Channel, I met with Ernst personally, give me 30 minutes to answer the questions asked by my voters. In Pozner's program --
Anchor: Did you appear on Pozner's program?
Zyuganov: Pozner is sitting and three opponents. The four of them take a minute each plus one minute for me. That is not enough time even to answer the questions they ask. And I wanted to answer the questions that are of interest to my voters. This is a common rule in any democratic country. We have no dialogue among presidential candidates so that they could come on and discuss the problem calmly. Leading parties have no chance to speak to their voters. This is not a normal situation.
Anchor: But a new law has been passed.
Zyuganov: As for Channel 2, I already told Dobrodeyev... I hadn't visited them for a year. I came and they were doing repairs and there are now guards there, incidentally very good looking guys who stand there and offer you not a bad reception but there is no honest information policy. That group of Surkov and Voloshin has muzzled everyone. I don't know how they still allow you to talk but soon they will make an attack on you.
Anchor: Well, we have developed quite a habit. Our guest is Gennady Andreyevich Zyuganov. There is still time before the election and I think that the new law on elections which in my view is extremely strictly regulating appearances of registered candidates to the State Duma and the presidency in mass media. Zyuganov will answer some of your questions. You have voted for him.
Zyuganov: Now it is not the matter that they have voted, they have even wrote down the collection of funds. Up to 50 million people vote for us from all over. We have no possibility now to go to the state radio and television. We have agreed to increase the publishing of leaflets, newspapers and many other things. We have now appealed to our electorate and they do it with pleasure, contributing 30, 40, 50 rubles each... Firstly, they come and say that the money is not yet accepted and secondly, if you put two commas not correctly and you remitted the money -- it will get spent tomorrow and it will be like it was in Norilsk: they dismissed the person quite unexpectedly. You will excuse me but it is worse here than in Africa. That is why in my opinion one has to work here. Letters were written to Veshnyakov and so on. In my opinion, he is preparing for the elections quite badly. If this goes on like this, the whole country will be engaged in court litigation. I devoted these two days to holding a seminar for legal experts. About one hundred skilled lawyers attended who are expected to defend our rights. Over this period about 1,700 trials occurred. We gained much through court decisions, we argued out much but you see it is not normal when they can find fault with any of your commas. And if someone remitted a hundred rubles and...
Anchor: But wait a minute, you are the legislators so you have adopted legal rules for yourselves.
Zyuganov: Excuse me please but those were adopted by a majority of the Unity. This Unity majority left the army and the military without benefits. That majority voted for unheard of privileges for Yeltsin. Let that majority now answer for this.
Anchor: Now let us get back to this. Maybe the hottest theme because I think that we will still have an opportunity to talk about elections before the elections and during the election campaign. The main question is probably the question of the last weekend when the Yabloko faction of the State Duma, which is your political opponents on many political positions, decided to initiate the procedure to express a lack of confidence in the government. Is there a decision of the Communist faction, does the Communist faction have a position first on this procedure and then on the government in general?
Zyuganov: Well, we are pleased that a year later the Yabloko faction has joined us. In June last year 125 deputies drafted a paper substantiating the vote of non-confidence in the course, in that government. It was published by a large circulation and officially from 125 deputies -- there were representatives of the most diverse factions -- who sent that document to each legislative assembly, to every governor and to all members of government and to Putin. They asked to consider the paper, asked to take the decision together and to form a government of national interests, a government of professionals. But they would not budge. We again return to this by the fall and we applied to every faction and to every legislature: you see how this government is working.I don't know what influenced Yavlinsky but now our positions in this sense are getting closer together and there is one position -- for an honest choice -- and he understands that there will be a lot of stealing and merciless suppressing. We have again made an application and they say that in the council they have just taken a decision. Now they have a brilliant opportunity to add to the list of 125 deputies their own 17 votes and it will be 140 odd people.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, it is a different procedure and please talk about the procedure. You have to get together 17 people and they have 17 people. In order to initiate discussion in the State Duma of the question on non-confidence in the government, they need 90. The question is whether or not the Communists will sign under this statement or not.
Zyuganov: Just one minute, please, all the Communists have already signed.
Anchor: No, now it is a new procedure, Gennady Andreyevich.
Zyuganov: No new procedure: you put your signatures here and let us discuss whether or not we table it for the meeting or whether we continue working with citizens especially considering that there will be million manifestations on May 1 and 9 where they will put it directly that this government must go. The question is that 142 votes is still insufficient in order to force the government to resign.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, wait a second, this question is not solved in the street. Under the Russian Federation Constitution: it is either the expression of non-confidence in the State Duma or a decision by the President. I have a question to you and you still have not answered. Don't you have a decision? They will submit the document and they will begin collecting signatures, whether or not there is the faction decision -- it is a simple question for you.
Zyuganov: If they are going to raise it at a State Duma meeting, let us sit together and discuss it. In my opinion, until we have gathered about 200 votes, it makes no sense to raise it in the meeting because that gray majority will push the button with the finger and there will not even be a normal discussion, as is the case today. On the other hand, if Yavlinsky, using his "record", demonstrated that the growth is not 6 percent as Kasyanov and Co. say. I asked actually how our economy and the government worked in the second quarter year. And I say that in the first quarter the entire industry produced two thermal locomotives, as many electrical trains, eleven machine tools with digital control, 32 harvesters and 584 tractors -- this is the performance of Soviet industry. In several hours. So you see the performance. And until we have expelled this government, this will cause a further destruction of machine building, metal processing, basic sectors, including the security of the people.
Anchor: Well, Gennady Andreyevich, the government is not expelled by the street, the government is expelled by the State Duma and the President, under the Constitution.
Zyuganov: Alexei, you are not correct. If 20 million people go out into the street on May 1 and 9 and say: go, I assure you they will fly, just not go but very many will simply fly away.
Anchor: But this is not constitutional?
Zyuganov: It is very constitutional, it is the will of the people.
Anchor: At the elections.
Zyuganov: The government is the will of the people. The citizens elected Putin, elected the deputies and the citizens can say get out.
Anchor: Incidentally, Gennady Andreyevich, just one more second. The citizens can say: get out -- on December 14, at the elections so to say. As to me, I am not against a manifestation. We will now again speak about manifestations and slogans and I still wish to ask a question. There emerged a story in which, if I understood you correctly you regard it timely to pose the question of non-confidence in the government at a State Duma meeting if the number of votes is 200 or more?
Zyuganov: I regard this raising of the question belated. We put these deadlines twice. The first time we voted two years ago, all closed their mouths.
Anchor: And now it does not make sense, does it?
Zyuganov: No, I don't, I believe that 142 votes is little but if it is 200, one may try to hold a meeting and to try to collect 226 votes.
Anchor: And throw off the government?
Zyuganov: Not throw off, to form a normal government.
Anchor: No, no, no. First you say non-confidence then it is to throw off.
Zyuganov: It may be forced to resign and a strong government could be established. This could be done.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, do you see a prime minister who would replace Kasyanov? Is there a man who could cope now in a dire situation, with oil prices falling and assume responsibility together with Putin? Do you have such people in your faction?
Zyuganov: There aren't few of them in the country...
Anchor: No, there are 150 million in the country, Gennady Andreyevich.
Zyuganov: Stop, stop, stop. This country has quite a few clever and educated leaders. It is still surviving because the average link of the leaders even in this economic lawlessness and crime is somehow managing to keep the economy from falling apart and even to develop it. I told this repeatedly to Putin and I even named a whole team. I do not wish to give names here because tomorrow they will just take them out only because I named them.
Anchor: Good, let us say including...
Zyuganov: Well, let's take a look at the governors from the Far East, the Maritime Territory and then Ishayev who is a clever and solid economic manager, and he knows what Siberia, winter and the Far East are. If you look at Altai, there is Surikov and he is doing a lot of social construction and developing it. You take a look at the Urals, Sumin, a major region, strong and well organized.
Anchor: A government of territories.
Zyuganov: There are no problems.
Anchor: It is not a political government.
Zyuganov: What do you mean not political?
Anchor: Not political.
Zyuganov: I tried to persuade Putin in my time to make Stroyev the prime minister instead of sacking the whole Federation Council. And then things would improve vastly. Time was lost and the decision was not made. We have a lot of competent people. Vinogradov in Vladimir is someone for whom the center and the left and even the right vote because they understand that he is a highly qualified individual.
Anchor: You have touched on a very important subject there and I don't want to miss it. Many political forces are in favor of the government being formed after the December election as a government responsible to the State Duma, and of course, to the President, but on the basis of the government majority. And you are proposing --
Zyuganov: Alexei, stop.
Anchor: And you are proposing a gubernatorial majority.
Zyuganov: No, no.
Anchor: What is your view on this?
Zyuganov: No, you got it wrong.
Anchor: What do you propose then?
Zyuganov: If today you look at the power system, it is absolutely wrong. It is a cripple. There is the President who spends days sitting with the ministers and giving them directions and they do nothing to fulfill his directives. This is not a presidential republic. In a presidential republic the President heads up the government and is jointly responsible with the government for everything he and they do. And then there is the parliamentary form, in which the parliamentary majority elects a government and answerable together with that government. And we have fallen into this pit, we don't have capitalism, we don't have socialism, we have a system of criminal clans working under the government which is implementing a right-wing policy and that policy is rejected by 90 percent of the citizens. So, let us repair the Constitution, let us balance the power structure, let us hold elections and then there will be a chance -- we, the Communist Party, are ready together with other patriotic forces to present a program and a team of individuals. Let us go on the air together with our opponents and let them say how they propose to solve problems and we will say how we propose to solve problems and let the citizens choose. We are ready, the Duma majority is ready to assume the full responsibility, to form a government and to answer to the citizens of our country.
Anchor: So, you agree that it is desirable that the government should be responsible before the Duma.
Zyuganov: It is responsible now... Kasyanov is responsible before Yeltsin. Kudrin is responsible before --
Anchor: What do you mean Yeltsin? Yeltsin is a pensioner. What are you talking about? You mean before Putin?
Zyuganov: Listen, maybe before Yumashev. Kudrin is responsible before Chubais, I can continue the list. There is no normal government working as a team. Some key figures in the government are missing, there's no person responsible for the winter season... Shoigu has got rid of his duty of party building and he probably sighed with relief. He will now perhaps be on time for the next fire or perhaps see to it that plugs are changed in time so that schools do not burn. And now they have recruited Gryzlov. Just as he got the hang of his new job heading up the police. I have worked with him for ten years, I know what it is. And they told him to attend to party building. Top cop performs the role of a party functionary. What can be more idiotic for Gryzlov and for the Unity party? Any terrorist act, any disruption of public law and order can be blamed on this... I don't know why they are so dumb, why they are unable to think strategically. They can't even prepare personnel for normal work.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, still on the subject of elections. Parties are springing up which will contest the elections, they call themselves left-wing parties, I mean the Revival of Russia party led by Gennady Seleznyov on the one hand and we heard today that the National Bolshevik party is ready to go to the elections on the other side. How do you rate the chances of these parties?
Zyuganov: Alexei, this country is very sick. One in every two persons thinks he can be a president and everyone thinks he can be a State Duma deputy. This is the root of the tragedy. There are normally three or four parties, and the rest are trying to help them. With us parties can be formed by one member of the Duma. This is ridiculous. And then there are artificially created, inflated parties. Surkov and Voloshin are sitting there and planning how much money to pump into whom. This is a travesty of the political system. Seleznyov won't be able to produce anything useful, they will inflate parties and pull the Communist Party apart. And if they want a normal governable system in the country, let the establishment party develop, the left wing has created a powerful Communist Party together with the Agrarians and other patriots. And on the right flank we never had and never will have a strong party. Zhirinovsky is the embodiment of the present-day administration. As for the right wingers, they may grab all the money and all the TV cameras, but given the situation in Russia today, they will never gain more than 10 percent of the vote. So, the real contest will be between two parties. And they are creating party after party. Even if tomorrow everyone rallies around the Russian Communist Party, you will see that these guys will set up a party of Brezhnev's grandson and some other kind of national bolshevik party or some other caricature disguised as a party of pensioners and will dupe people. Is it the case that the establishment party was not in a position to create a party structure in ten years? No it is not. And why is it changing the fifth hat in a row? Why is it putting on a different mask every day? Because it is stealing the budget, it is destroying the country, and it is doing so under different masks by duping people.
Anchor: We have already said that we will resume our work on the program "There Is Also Such a Party" in the run-up to the election. We will give equal chances to all parties.
Zyuganov: By the way, it was a good and a popular program.
Anchor: I would like to ask you, Gennady Andreyevich, and our listeners are asking this question. They don't understand your position on the procedure of no-confidence in the government. On the one hand, they say that the government is appointed by the President and the President is responsible for its policy, but on the other hand, citing Grigory Yavlinsky yesterday in the Itogi program, they say that this offers a chance to discuss the work of the government in a certain format. Why two parties, it may be five.
Zyuganov: There are two possibilities of having a discussion. One can shut oneself inside the Duma or one can take all the materials and arguments and go to the respective constituencies. We set the target of each of our candidates and incumbent deputies holding 300 meetings with members of his or her constituency every year. We have reported to 12 regions, and another 10 such visits are scheduled for May. I must say that our events are extremely popular. That is where we can be assured of support, and on May 1 and 9 we can go out into the streets and say again no to this course, no to this government. And then we will be able to persuade at least fifty more deputies and the motion can be put before a plenary session of the Duma.
Anchor: I understand the logic. Now for another question. Each time you and the leaders of various parties come to the studio, I ask them the same question because this is election year. Gennady Andreyevich, what would the Communist Party regard as a successful outcome of this election? You might say that you will win 450 seats, but nobody would believe in it. What will your party consider as an electoral success?
Zyuganov: Voloshin's group are gnashing their teeth because support for our party is growing with every passing month. It has topped 30 percent. In some regions, 40 or 45 percent. I think that if our people work energetically, and I demand that everyone should work in the periphery, in every village and region and present his or her program -- we have everything to show for us. We can come to the people and say, this is how our faction has worked in parliament, this is our team, these are our priority measures, this is our budget policy.
Anchor: I understand, but what do you consider to be a successful result?
Zyuganov: We have a real chance, the minimum target is to have a blocking vote, 150 seats in the State Duma.
Anchor: Including single-mandate candidates?
Zyuganov: Yes. And the maximum program -- together with allies -- to get a majority of 226 required for passing the first reading of laws. I think this is realistic.
Anchor: Who are the allies?
Zyuganov: The allies have agreed to hold negotiations with some thirty groups: the agri-industrial alliance, Starodubtsev and Kharitonov; agrarian trade unions, Davydov; the military, Rodionov; Ilyukhin, the women's movement along with the youth movement, science led by Alfyorov, a very powerful and authoritative team they will make up together.
Anchor: Which brings me back to the topic of May 1. If I understand you correctly, if the demonstrations on May 1, mainly under the CPRF flag are numerous then it makes sense to raise the issue of no confidence?
Zyuganov: I think that the more powerful, the more well-organized these manifestations are, the more clearly they will express this position. We have prepared a resolution calling for the resignation of the government, a change of course and for a normal information policy. And we have called on all citizens. At 10 o'clock in the morning in Moscow they will get together in Kaluzhskaya Square. The route will reach Lubyanka. Incidentally, we will have a rally and a concert in Moscow, not just a meeting. It will be a big concert.
Anchor: Will you hold a rock concert?
Zyuganov: It will be a big rock concert, you will see that. By the way, the young respond willingly because they have also become tired because of this lawlessness and they will sing many very patriotic songs. We invite you.
Anchor: Wait, what kind of a rock concert will it be coming from the CPRF?
Zyuganov: Incidentally, we have a very powerful youth structure who are actively participating and preparing, quite a curious culture which is being actively utilized to destroy the country. I believe that it is necessary to make them work for creative purposes.
Anchor: In this connection, talking about the features of May 1, 2003 for several years quite serious manifestations have been held and especially with slogans of government resignation. Gennady Andreyevich, let us talk honestly of this: three years in a row and what is the novelty of this demonstration in terms of slogans?
Zyuganov: Alexei, the mood is radicalizing. I have held tens of meetings with women's and youth and veterans' audiences, knowledgeable academicians or simply ordinary people who come, some of them even with no socks on their feet -- they are radicalizing: they believe that this course is absolutely harmful, they believe that one should display more resolve and action. Now the conflict is over the sale of land, people see how the energy system is getting destroyed. So the slogan is not just the resignation of the government but it is also the need to put together a team capable of taking the country out of those deep waters. And I wish to say that such protests are rising. Secondly, people are absolutely displeased with the information policy. With their own money, from morn till dusk they throw the wool over people's eyes and lies are oozing, that's how it is and we intend to carry out actions and pickets against the state television and radio companies that engage in this. And the third topic is impoverishment, corruption and drug addition. These are the three basic themes that will be developed at all the manifestations.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, you reminded me about 1993. Ten years ago at this time the pickets were radicalizing outside Ostankino and there were clashes with militia and I would wish you to introduce clarity on this subject.
Zyuganov: Alexei, I will add clarity. We have made so many actions over the past 10 years, we have not broken a single shop window. And we urge the authorities to abide by the norms and rules of behavior. They violate those rules right and left. Already there is no dialog in the State Duma itself. It is already impossible to express a view in the State Duma and to defend one's position. The so-called gray unity is everywhere, violating the elementary norms of the rules of procedure and law. The last time we held a demonstration against war, officials came and said you will not hold the manifestation. And I told them we will. I said I would head the demonstration myself but I assured them that we will go and we will fully control the situation and there will be order. But if all go each on their own, you will be responsible. That is why today I held a big operational meeting, I convened all. There will be 3,000 officers guarding the action, we met with the military, the special troops and all others. We are interested in the order and on May 1 and 9 we will do everything to keep order. But today the provocateurs sit in the Kremlin and are personified by the Putin administration. They are engaged in these unsightly practices and provocations starting with Those Going Together, and last time they wanted to go with brooms following their fathers and grand parents; and all the way to other nasty practices. I would like to say that there they provoke, there are specialists who engage in these practices. Let them be invited, including by the Patrushev service, and let them find out why such things are happening.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, one more question. Three years ago when President Putin was elected the President of Russia, the Communist Party received that election with alert expectation, to put it mildly although he was our political opponent at the elections but nevertheless you said on the air in our studio that the newcomer was a young and active officer from the special services and so on. This is by way of reminding you. Did your expectations come true or they did not? And if they did then in what?
Zyuganov: He is conducting a dialog with different forces and he meets with people and factions and so on. But he did not put together his own strategy, his policy, his government. He does not guarantee elementary security and I am telling you what my electorate tell me. And then you look around, it is Easter, you bow on this bright day and you cross yourself. And at the same time his parliament and his majority introduce the INN (the individual taxation number), opposed by the Orthodox public. It makes your hair to stand on air. They say that he is from the security service and they have a perfect idea there of what corruption is and what is the destruction of the entire management system. He has not done anything to suppress this. He is supreme commander in chief, he is a military man, he can see what is going on. In this year Russia has not ordered a single helicopter. He is perfectly aware that the modern war and security cannot be won without this service. But nothing is done. The group of "Russkiye Vityazi" came. The youngest aircraft is 14 years old, the best group of pilots have nothing to fly in. I could go on listing these things. He came -- 3-4 regions got frozen in the Far East and much is being frozen right now, to boot. The first Message was hopeful, the second was frustrating and the third is one that you may dispense with the trouble of attending, it makes no sense. They do not know what to say. In foreign policy it is complete lack of clarity. There is one more lack of clarity with the Union State. As regards major economic programs -- nothing is being offered.
Anchor: You mean there is disenchantment, we are losing time. The country is slipping onto the sidelines. It gets corrupted. It is first in extinction, in corruption, in prostitution. It is simply humiliating. It would seem he is quite a young man and he can take measures. And he even failed to expel Voloshin with his caboodle, to say nothing the one with Chubais.
Anchor: And why did you do it in regard to Alexander Stalyevich...
Zyuganov: It is simply a shame.
Anchor: But how could you?
Zyuganov: It is simply a shame, simply outrageous.
Anchor: Gennady Andreyevich, one more question to conclude. An ordinary trainee from St.Petersburg sent this message this morning: "Will a CPRF candidate be running for the governor of St.Petersburg and if yes, has it been decided who?" People are interested and concerned -- St.Petersburg voters as to who will run for governor. Don't be insincere, Gennady Andreyevich.
Zyuganov: I am not. I intend to travel to Leningrad in May... to St.Petersburg. It is my favorite city and it will turn 300.
Anchor: So it is your favorite city?
Zyuganov: Yes, I like it very much. When I got to Leningrad for the first time it was a beautiful city of the power. The buildings and the layout are unique. It is a city of world glory, the city of the revolution, the city of unheard of courage and heroism. One has to be honest in regard to... But of course in such a city as this one has to invest funds from the whole of the country but now the nation's wallet is empty and it is even difficult to organize something for the holiday. But I would wish to meet there with the most influential groups and discuss things. It is because much in the country will depend on the people in charge there.
Anchor: We will wait for your answer, Gennady Andreyevich. I hope that you will give the answer and the Communist Party will give the answer because the St.Petersburg governor is doubtless a figure of federal stature.
Zyuganov: Of course.
Anchor: Thank you very much. The CPRF leader Gennady Andreyevich Zyuganov was guest of Ekho Moskvy. Thank you.
Zyuganov: Thank you
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